Comment l’oeuvre de Dewey nous aide-t-elle à rendre compte du potentiel de démocratisation des luttes sociales, tout en mettant l’accent sur leurs activités d’enquête* ? Au-delà des approches délibératives, une approche deweyenne montre comment les mobilisations collectives, qui visent à produire des « cadres d’injustice » et à promouvoir des « relations justes », ont le potentiel d’approfondir la pratique démocratique. Mon argumentation s’organise en trois temps. Tout d’abord, elle montre comment, pour Dewey, les « pratiques épistémiques » – d’identification, (...) de définition et de résolution de problèmes sociaux – conduisent au changement des normes de participation et d’inclusion de façon extensive et intensive. Ensuite, elle examine la manière dont le modèle expérimentaliste de Dewey médiatise l’approfondissement de la démocratie et la lutte pour la justice : le besoin d’intégrer le maximum de perspectives et de les rendre compatibles les unes avec les autres que l’on éprouve la nécessité d’explorer les normes hégémoniques de la pratique politique. Enfin, elle identifie des éléments d’expérimentalisme démocratique dans trois pratiques d’enquête : « consciousness-rising », « testimonio » et « conricerca », et tente de montrer leur potentiel de changement de notre compréhension de la pratique politique. (shrink)

This article argues that populism, both in its left-wing and right-wing versions, is a social pathology in the sense contemporary critical theorists give to it. As such, it suffers from a disconnect between first order political practices and the reflexive grasp of the meaning of those practices. This disconnect is due to populists’ ideal of freedom, which they understand as authentic self-expression of ‘the People’, rejecting the need for mediating instances such as parties, parliaments or epistemic actors. When enacted in (...) political practices and institutions, this ideal creates the conditions for undermining different forms of political freedom, including populist’s own ideal of collective self-expression, which they erode by fostering expressive domination. This all makes populism a self- defeating political ideology and bad candidate for advancing democracy in times of crisis. The article ends with a consideration of the advantages of this view compared to existing approaches to populism. (shrink)

This paper aims at providing an epistemic defense of democracy based on John Dewey’s idea that democracies do not only find problems and provide solutions to them but they also articulate problems. According to this view, when citizens inquire about collective issues, they also partially shape them. This view contrasts with the standard account of democracy’s epistemic defense, according to which democracy’s is good at tracking and finding solutions that are independent of political will-formation and decision-making. It is also less (...) vulnerable to the criticisms that have been raised against the standard account. To show this, the paper develops a theory of expressive domination and argues that problem-articulation works best when it is inclusive and domination-free. It also shows that democratic conflict represents a fundamental element for problem-articulation. (shrink)